№22 · Money Mind
Your fund has more capital than it can use. Do you hand some back?
Your hedge fund earned more than 40 percent in both 1995 and 1996, two of your partners have just won the Nobel prize, and the trades that made your name are getting crowded. You have to decide what to do with billions of dollars you can no longer put to work.
- Company
- Long-Term Capital Management
- Year
- 1997
- Capital you could return
- $2.7 billion
The room
It is December 1997 in Greenwich, Connecticut. You are a partner at Long-Term Capital Management, LTCM, the hedge fund John Meriwether founded in 1994. After fees, the fund returned 42.8 percent in 1995 and 40.8 percent in 1996. This year it will return 17.1 percent. It is sitting on more than $7 billion of capital, and your models are finding fewer trades worth making.
Your business is convergence trading. The fund looks for prices that its models say have drifted too far apart, such as two closely related government bonds or an interest rate swap and the bond it tracks, then buys the cheap side, sells the expensive side and waits for the gap to close. Each trade earns very little, so the fund borrows heavily through repurchase agreements and derivatives to make the small gaps worth billions. At the end of this year your balance sheet will show about $129 billion of assets.
The team is about as credentialed as finance gets. Your partners include a former vice chairman of the Federal Reserve, David Mullins, and in October two of them, Robert Merton and Myron Scholes, shared the Nobel prize in economics for a new method of pricing options and other derivatives. Banks lend to you on generous terms. Investors accept a $10 million minimum and a three-year lock-up to get in. A large share of the fund’s capital belongs to the partners themselves.
But the landscape is changing. Other banks and funds have moved into bond arbitrage, and the competition has squeezed the margins on the trades you pioneered. The spreads that remain are thinner, and the fund has a great deal of equity chasing them. Investors pay you fees on all of it, whether or not there are good trades to put it in.
One proposal on the table is to hand about $2.7 billion back to outside investors, effectively cashing out those who joined after 1994, while the partners keep their own money in. What happens to the positions is a separate question, and it decides how much borrowing will stand behind every dollar of equity that remains.
- The partnersKeep returns high as spreads narrow
- Outside investorsThe returns of 1995 and 1996
- Lending banksProfitable business with a star client
- RegulatorsCreditors who keep leverage in check
Your call
Your fund has more capital than its best trades can use. What do you do?
The reveal · they chose A
What actually happened
LTCM chose option A. At the end of 1997 the fund returned about $2.7 billion to investors, which the President’s Working Group on Financial Markets later said cut its capital base by about 36 percent, to $4.8 billion on January 1, 1998. According to the Federal Reserve’s own history of the episode, it did so without shrinking its positions. Balance-sheet leverage, the Working Group calculated, stood at about 28 to 1 at the end of 1997, on $129 billion of assets.
The Wall Street Journal’s later reconstruction reported the stated reason: concern about the appearance of collecting high management fees at a time of slim investment opportunities. It also reported that some investors were upset because the partners were not reducing their own stakes, and that the partners had in fact decided to increase them, something investors did not know at the time. The fund had marketed itself as market neutral. It told investors its positions carried risk similar to an unleveraged investment in the S&P 500 but were essentially uncorrelated with stock returns.
In 1998 the trades went wrong together. June brought a loss of 10.1 percent, the largest monthly loss in the fund’s history to that point. On August 17 Russia devalued the ruble and declared a moratorium on its debt. Investors fled to the safest assets, and spreads that LTCM had bet would narrow widened in market after market at the same time. The fund lost $1.8 billion in August, leaving $2.3 billion of capital, and on September 2 the partners wrote to investors acknowledging a 52 percent loss for the year and seeking new money. Attempts to raise it failed.
When a New York Fed team visited the fund on Sunday, September 20, it found positions much larger than the market had imagined. The fund had more than 60,000 trades, and some of its futures positions exceeded 10 percent of open interest. The Wall Street Journal reported its capital had fallen to about $600 million. A rival offer led by Warren Buffett expired without agreement. On September 23, 14 banks and securities firms agreed to invest about $3.6 billion in new equity for a 90 percent stake and control of the portfolio. In congressional testimony, the New York Fed’s president, William McDonough, said not one penny of public money was spent or committed.
John Meriwether founds LTCM in February; it earns about 43 and 41 percent in the next two years.
Partners Robert Merton and Myron Scholes share the Nobel prize in economics for derivatives pricing.
LTCM returns about $2.7 billion to investors without shrinking its positions.
Russia devalues and halts debt payments; the fund loses $1.8 billion in the month.
Fourteen firms invest about $3.6 billion for 90 percent of the fund, in talks hosted by the New York Fed.
The new owners sell most positions and get their investment back by the end of the year.
Under the consortium, the fund sold down its positions. In July 1999 it paid out about $1.3 billion, including $1 billion to the banks, and by the end of 1999 the consortium had its investment back. For the original owners the result was very different. The partners’ stakes, valued at about $1.6 billion early in 1998, were worth about $30 million after the losses, the Wall Street Journal reported. Investors who had come in during 1994 left with average gains of roughly 18 percent a year, CNN reported, while those who invested after January 1, 1998 took heavy losses. The investors cashed out in December 1997 had, by being pushed out, avoided the worst year.
The episode reshaped how officials thought about leverage. The President’s Working Group report of April 1999 argued that risk models had understated how shocks spread across markets, and that risk measures had to look beyond value-at-risk. The General Accounting Office, now the Government Accountability Office, found that creditors had leaned on the reputations of LTCM’s principals rather than traditional credit analysis. In January 1999, twelve major banks formed the Counterparty Risk Management Policy Group to set better practices for lending to funds like it.
The psychology: overconfidence
Psychologists split overconfidence into three related errors. Overestimation is thinking you are better than you are. Overplacement is thinking you are better than others. Overprecision is being too sure that your estimates are right, which shows up when people give confidence ranges that are far too narrow. Don Moore and Paul Healy found that the first two come and go with the difficulty of the task, but overprecision is remarkably persistent.
Overprecision is the form that matters most for a leveraged fund, because leverage is a bet on the width of your error bars. If you believe the worst plausible month will cost a few percent of capital, borrowing 28 times your equity looks prudent. If the true range of outcomes is wider than your models say, the same borrowing can wipe you out. The President’s Working Group concluded that the 1998 shock confounded the risk models of LTCM and other firms, and that global portfolios like LTCM’s were less well diversified than assumed. The diversification the models counted on rested on those trades moving fairly independently. In August 1998 they moved together.
None of this shows what any individual partner believed, and the record shows internal debate. What the record does show is a system in which confidence was precise at every level. The fund described its risk as similar to the stock market and uncorrelated with it. Lenders, the GAO found, relied on the principals’ reputations instead of full credit analysis and did not know the size of the positions until days before the rescue. Returning capital while keeping the positions only made sense if the range of bad outcomes was narrow. Alan Greenspan told Congress that sophisticated models can “get too far ahead of human judgment.”
OverconfidenceAlso: overprecision, model overconfidence
Holding beliefs with more certainty than the evidence supports, especially overprecision: being too sure that the truth lies inside a narrow range.
In 18 rounds of trivia quizzes with 82 Carnegie Mellon students, participants’ 90 percent confidence intervals held their actual score only about 73 percent of the time. Overprecision appeared at every difficulty level, while overestimation and overplacement depended on task difficulty.
Using account data on more than 35,000 households at a large discount brokerage from 1991 to 1997, men traded about 45 percent more than women, and trading cut their net returns by 2.65 percentage points a year, against 1.72 for women.
Why smart people fall for it
Three forces turned a defensible balance-sheet decision into a $3.6 billion rescue.
Narrow error bars from short history
Models fitted to a few calm years treat the worst month in that window as the worst month possible, and ranges come out too tight.
Leverage turns small errors into failure
At 28 to 1, a fall of under 4 percent in asset values erases the equity, so a modest model error becomes a solvency event.
Reputation stands in for scrutiny
When lenders and investors trust the people, they ask fewer questions about positions, so no outside check widens the error bars.
Was LTCM’s leverage really the mistake?
The simple story is that LTCM borrowed too much. The fuller record is more interesting. The GAO compared the fund’s balance-sheet leverage of about 28 to 1 with that of large securities firms such as Lehman Brothers and Merrill Lynch and found it broadly similar. Plenty of financial firms run that kind of balance sheet every day. Leverage alone did not make LTCM different.
What made it different was the combination. The fund’s positions were huge relative to the markets it traded, with some futures holdings above 10 percent of open interest, so it could not sell quickly without moving prices against itself. Many of its trades were variations on one bet, that spreads between safer and riskier or less liquid assets would narrow from historically high levels, and in a flight to safety those spreads widen together. Other firms had crowded into the same kinds of trades, so when LTCM needed to sell, the natural buyers were often trying to sell too.
Returning capital in 1997 is where these threads met. The decision did not change a single trade. It changed how much loss the fund could absorb before those trades became a crisis. Alan Greenspan put the general principle bluntly in his testimony: “abnormal returns are sustained only through abnormal exposure to risk.” He added that LTCM had reportedly increased leverage to counter shrinking opportunities, a strategy he judged was destined to fail.
One point is often lost. The consortium held the portfolio, sold it down in an orderly way and got its money back by the end of 1999. That suggests the deeper weakness was less the bets themselves than the fund’s ability to survive long enough to see them through. Being right eventually is worth little if your cushion is too thin to wait.
What does overconfidence research say about LTCM’s models?
Moore and Healy’s experiment is about trivia, not bonds, but its central finding transfers. When people say they are 90 percent sure, they are right much less often than that, and this gap does not disappear as tasks get easier. Their participants were students with a few dollars at stake. Professional risk models are not human guesses, but they are built by humans who choose the data window, the distributions and the assumed correlations, and each of those choices can make a range too narrow.
The President’s Working Group made a version of the same point in institutional language. It warned that risk models based on recent data may understate both the size of shocks and how strongly markets move together during them. That is overprecision written into software: a calm sample produces a tight range, and the tight range justifies more borrowing. The Working Group urged firms to look beyond value-at-risk to stress tests that ask what happens when correlations jump.
Barber and Odean’s study adds the behavioral consequence. Their investors were ordinary households, not hedge funds, but the pattern was clear: the group that research suggests is more prone to overconfidence traded more and kept less of its returns. Overconfidence does not just change what people believe. It changes how much they act on those beliefs, and the cost shows up in results.
Two cautions apply. First, these studies cannot diagnose anyone at LTCM, and the record shows that at least one partner, Myron Scholes, warned internally that firms making similar trades would face failures, according to the Wall Street Journal. Second, confidence was not confined to the fund. Lenders, investors and regulators all accepted a narrow picture of the risks. Overprecision was a property of the whole system, which is why the shock spread so far.
How would a modern risk team decide?
A modern team would start by treating the capital decision and the position decision as one choice. Returning money is never only a question about fees; it is a question about how much loss the remaining equity can absorb. The first number on the table would be how large a fall in asset values would wipe out the fund at the new leverage, set against the worst moves seen in comparable markets over decades, not years.
It would then run stress tests that break the model’s assumptions on purpose. What happens if every spread widens together, as they did in August 1998? What happens if the fund must sell while its competitors sell the same assets? A reverse stress test, which asks what scenario would make the fund fail and how plausible it is, forces the team to describe the disaster in concrete terms instead of a probability.
Third, it would measure liquidity as carefully as price risk. Positions that exceed a meaningful share of a market cannot be exited in days. A modern team would size trades to the time it would take to unwind them in stressed conditions and hold more capital against positions that would take months.
Finally, it would look for outside challenge rather than outside trust. Lenders who see full positions, a risk committee that can veto leverage increases, and a habit of recording forecast ranges and checking how often reality falls outside them all widen the error bars before the market does it for you.
The manager's playbook
- Link capital decisions to position riskWhenever you return or raise capital, recompute how large a loss would wipe out the remaining equity at the new leverage.
- Widen your ranges deliberatelyAsk what range you are 90 percent sure of, then check how often past outcomes fell outside similar ranges, and widen accordingly.
- Stress the correlations, not just pricesTest a scenario in which assets that usually move independently all move against you at once.
- Size positions to their exit timeEstimate how long it would take to unwind each position in a stressed market and hold more capital against slow exits.
- Invite outside challenge before trustGive lenders, boards or risk committees enough information to question your assumptions rather than rely on your reputation.
Keep a simple log of your forecasts with the ranges you gave them. After a year, count how often the result fell outside the range. If your 90 percent ranges are right only 70 percent of the time, as in the lab, your plans need more cushion.
A team that over-corrects for overconfidence can hold so much capital and test so many disaster scenarios that it never acts. Buffers have a cost, and the aim is ranges that match the evidence, not endless caution.
Your turn
Where are you borrowing against a forecast you may be too sure of?
Think of a budget, hiring plan or loan that only works if your estimate lands inside a narrow range.
Questions people ask
What happened to Long-Term Capital Management?
LTCM lost heavily in 1998 after Russia’s August default triggered a flight to safety that hit its convergence trades. On September 23, 1998, 14 banks and securities firms invested about $3.6 billion for a 90 percent stake, in talks hosted by the New York Fed. The new owners sold down the positions and had their investment back by the end of 1999.
How much leverage did LTCM use?
The President’s Working Group put LTCM’s balance-sheet leverage at about 28 to 1 at the end of 1997, on $129 billion of assets. Its derivatives positions were far larger: more than $500 billion of exchange futures and more than $750 billion of swaps in notional terms at the end of August 1998.
Did taxpayers pay for the LTCM rescue?
No public money was used. The New York Fed brought the creditors together and hosted the talks, but the $3.6 billion came from the 14 private firms. Both Alan Greenspan and William McDonough told Congress that no Federal Reserve funds were put at risk, and Greenspan said no firm was pressured to take part.
What is overprecision?
Overprecision is excessive certainty that your beliefs are accurate, usually measured by asking people for ranges they are 90 percent sure of and checking how often the truth falls inside. Moore and Healy found it was the most persistent of the three forms of overconfidence. This case discusses it as history and psychology, not as investment advice.
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Sources
- Testimony of Chairman Alan Greenspan: Private-sector refinancing of the large hedge fund, Long-Term Capital Management (October 1, 1998) — Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
- Statement by William J. McDonough before the Committee on Banking and Financial Services (October 1, 1998) — Federal Reserve Bank of New York
- Hedge Funds, Leverage, and the Lessons of Long-Term Capital Management (April 1999) — President’s Working Group on Financial Markets, via CFTC
- Long-Term Capital Management: Regulators Need to Focus Greater Attention on Systemic Risk (GGD-00-3) — U.S. General Accounting Office (1999)
- Near Failure of Long-Term Capital Management — Federal Reserve History
- How Salesmanship and Brainpower Failed to Save Long-Term Capital (November 16, 1998) — The Wall Street Journal, via NYU Stern
- A Hedge Fund Falters, So the Fed Persuades Big Banks to Ante Up (September 24, 1998) — The Wall Street Journal, via Kellogg School of Management
- Hedge fund gets help (September 23, 1998) — CNN Money
- LTCM to return $1.3 billion (July 6, 1999) — CNN Money
- The Prize in Economic Sciences 1997: press release — Nobel Prize Outreach
- The Trouble With Overconfidence — Psychological Review 115(2), Moore & Healy (2008)
- Boys Will Be Boys: Gender, Overconfidence, and Common Stock Investment — Quarterly Journal of Economics, Barber & Odean (2001)
This case is written for education. It reconstructs a past business decision from public records and published research; it is not investment, legal or medical advice.
Business Psychology — Your Call · Reviewed by the Kurums editorial team · Updated 8 November 2026
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