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⚡ TL;DR
Suppliers may shape how their products are sold online but may not prevent effective use of the internet. Outright online-sales bans and blocking price-comparison sites are hardcore; marketplace bans are lawful inside a properly constituted selective system (Coty); dual pricing and different online/offline criteria became permissible under the 2022 VBER; and geo-blocking of passive cross-border orders is separately prohibited by the Geo-blocking Regulation. Wide retail parity clauses lost their safe harbour and are banned outright for DMA gatekeepers.

Online sales restrictions are the vertical battleground of the last decade: brand owners defending positioning and service, retailers defending channel freedom, and authorities defending consumers’ ability to shop across borders and platforms. The rules are now reasonably settled — and considerably more permissive than they were in 2017. This guide sets out what suppliers may and may not do online, as part of the vertical-agreements pillar of our Competition & Antitrust hub.

Disclaimer: This article is general information, not legal advice. Competition rules and notification thresholds vary by jurisdiction and change frequently. Consult qualified competition counsel for your specific transaction or conduct.
Key Takeaways

Can a supplier ban online selling?
No. A prohibition on internet sales, or measures with equivalent effect (requiring approval for each online sale, capping online volumes, banning price-comparison tools), is a hardcore restriction of passive sales — the Pierre Fabre line.

Are marketplace bans allowed?
Yes within a lawful selective system, per Coty (2017): retailers can be required to sell through their own online shop rather than visibly third-party platforms, if applied uniformly and proportionately. Outside selective distribution the analysis is harder.

What changed for dual pricing?
The 2022 VBER allows charging a distributor different wholesale prices for units sold online versus offline, where it relates to genuine cost or investment differences and does not prevent effective internet use — a reversal of the previous hardcore treatment.

Where did the online-sales rules come from?

From two decisions that framed everything since. Pierre Fabre (2011) held that a de facto ban on internet sales — requiring a qualified pharmacist to be physically present at each sale — restricted competition by object and could not be justified by the need to advise customers or protect a prestige image (as then argued). Coty (2017) then confirmed that a narrower restriction — banning visible third-party marketplaces within a selective luxury system — was lawful, distinguishing Pierre Fabre because retailers remained free to sell online through their own channels and to advertise online.

Between those poles, national authorities produced a decade of divergent enforcement (Germany’s Bundeskartellamt was notably stricter on platform bans than French or Dutch practice), which the 2022 VBER and its guidelines set out to harmonise. The current framework’s organising principle is the effective-use test: suppliers may impose requirements on how online selling is done, but nothing that in practice stops the distributor using the internet as a genuine sales channel. That test, rather than any list of forbidden clauses, is what modern drafting should be measured against — alongside the block exemption‘s share thresholds.

What restrictions are permitted today?

A meaningful toolkit. Suppliers may set quality standards for online sales — site design, product presentation, imagery, authorised-dealer identification, customer-service standards — provided they are proportionate and applied consistently. They may require an online shop of appropriate standard and, in selective systems, prohibit sales via visibly third-party marketplaces. They may operate dual pricing reflecting genuinely different channel costs, and set different criteria for online and offline sales.

They may also restrict active online advertising targeted at territories reserved to others — territory-specific ad campaigns, local-language sites aimed at another’s exclusive area — while general online advertising and a general website remain protected as passive selling. And, importantly, suppliers can require dealers to operate physical premises where the product genuinely warrants it, as a qualitative criterion within a selective system. What remains prohibited: banning online sales, requiring per-sale approval, blocking use of the supplier’s trademarks in the dealer’s online search advertising, preventing use of price-comparison services as a class, and geo-blocking passive orders from other member states.

⚖️ Case Study — ASICS and the price-comparison ban (German Federal Court of Justice / Bundeskartellamt, 2015–2017)

ASICS prohibited its German selective-distribution partners from using price-comparison engines, from supporting third-party marketplace listings and from allowing use of its brand names in rivals’ online advertising. The Bundeskartellamt condemned the package and the Federal Court of Justice upheld the decision: a blanket ban on price-comparison portals restricts passive sales and consumers’ ability to find offers, and cannot be justified by image protection in a mass-market sports-goods context. Read together with Coty, ASICS marks the boundary — brand-appropriate marketplace rules within a genuine luxury selective system survive; blanket bans on the tools consumers use to find and compare offers do not.

What is the parity-clause problem?

Parity (most-favoured-nation) clauses require a seller not to offer better prices or terms elsewhere. Wide parity covers rival platforms and channels; narrow parity covers only the seller’s own direct channel. Wide parity softens competition between platforms — no platform can win share by lowering its commission, because the price cannot move — and European authorities moved against it in the hotel-booking sector from 2015, with several countries banning even narrow parity in that industry.

The 2022 VBER removed wide retail parity from the block exemption entirely, making it individually assessable; the DMA then prohibited it outright for designated gatekeepers, and Booking.com’s designation brought the largest travel platform inside that prohibition. Türkiye’s Rekabet Kurulu has run parallel enforcement in accommodation and food-delivery platforms. For any marketplace or intermediary, the practical rule is now: narrow parity may be defensible with real free-riding evidence; wide parity should be treated as unavailable in Europe, and the commercial model rebuilt around genuine value rather than price-fixing-by-contract, as our DMA guide details.

ONLINE SALES: THE EFFECTIVE-USE TESTPERMITTEDOnline quality & presentation standardsMarketplace ban (selective system, Coty)Dual pricing (genuine cost basis)Different online / offline criteriaRestricting territory-targeted online adsPhysical-premises criterion (if justified)PROHIBITEDOnline sales ban / per-sale approvalOnline volume capsBlanket price-comparison bans (ASICS)Blocking brand use in dealer search adsGeo-blocking passive cross-border ordersWide retail parity (and DMA: outright)The test: does the restriction stop the dealer using the internet as a real sales channel?
Post-2022 clarity: shape the online channel as much as you like, but never close it.

How does geo-blocking law interact with competition rules?

They overlap and reinforce. The EU Geo-blocking Regulation (2018) prohibits traders from blocking or limiting customers’ access to online interfaces, or applying different conditions, based on nationality or place of residence in defined situations — a consumer-protection instrument enforced separately from competition law. Competition law then catches the agreements behind such practices: a supplier requiring its distributors to geo-block, or to refuse cross-border orders, imposes a hardcore passive-sales restriction.

The Commission’s decisions in the video-game sector illustrate the combination: Valve and five publishers were fined a combined €7.8 million in 2021 for geo-blocking Steam activation keys to prevent cross-border purchases of PC games — territorial partitioning implemented technically rather than contractually. The lesson for any business with regional pricing: technical measures that reproduce a prohibited contractual restriction are analysed as that restriction. Regional price differences are lawful; engineering the market so customers cannot act on them is not.

⚠️ Risk: Selective enforcement is itself evidence. Suppliers that publish uniform online criteria but pursue only the discounting dealers hand authorities the intent element for free — the pattern appears in decision after decision. If a criterion is worth having, it must be enforced against everyone who breaches it, including your best-behaved premium retailers.

What should suppliers do now?

Rewrite online policies against the current framework rather than inherited caution. Many brand owners still operate pre-2022 rules that forbid more than the law requires — losing distribution reach for no legal benefit — while others carry legacy clauses (price-comparison bans, blanket marketplace prohibitions outside a genuine selective system, wide parity) that are now clearly unlawful.

The practical sequence: confirm the distribution model (selective, exclusive, free) and whether it is properly constituted; confirm the share position against the safe harbour; then map each online rule to its permitted basis, deleting any that cannot be justified. Document the rationale for marketplace and presentation rules — Coty protection depends on a coherent image-protection logic, not on assertion. Finally, brief the e-commerce and brand-protection teams: takedown programs aimed at genuine counterfeits are unproblematic, but the same tooling used against authorised dealers’ discount listings converts brand protection into RPM.

💡 Pro Tip: Audit your brand-protection vendor’s takedown criteria. Several European investigations began when authorised dealers complained that ‘anti-counterfeit’ enforcement was in practice targeting their low-price listings — the vendor’s rules, written commercially, became the supplier’s competition-law exposure.

How do these rules apply to platforms as suppliers’ counterparties?

Two relationships need separating. Where a marketplace resells on its own account, it is a distributor and the normal vertical rules apply — the supplier may impose quality criteria but not fix its prices. Where the marketplace intermediates third-party sellers, the 2022 framework treats it as a supplier of online intermediation services, with its own restrictions on the sellers assessed under the vertical rules — and the block exemption unavailable where the platform also competes on the market it intermediates.

That last carve-out is significant: hybrid platforms cannot rely on the safe harbour for their seller terms, so parity clauses, ranking conditions and data terms must be justified individually — and for designated gatekeepers, the DMA simply prohibits several of them. Suppliers selling through such platforms should note the corollary: many of the terms imposed on them are now individually assessable, which makes complaint and renegotiation more viable than it was five years ago.

What does enforcement look like today?

Increasingly national and increasingly data-driven. The Commission’s e-commerce sector inquiry seeded a decade of national cases across Germany, France, Italy, Spain and the Nordics, and authorities now use web-scraping and price-monitoring tools of their own to detect uniform online pricing and vanished discounts. Türkiye’s Rekabet Kurulu has run parallel e-commerce work, including its e-marketplace sector inquiry and platform investigations.

The practical implication for suppliers: online conduct is observable from outside the company in a way that offline conduct never was. A brand whose authorised dealers’ online prices move in lockstep after a policy change generates a detectable signature, and complaints from excluded online sellers arrive with screenshots attached. Compliance in this area has to assume visibility rather than obscurity.

What should an online-policy document contain?

Five sections: the distribution model and why it is constituted as it is; the objective online criteria with their product-specific justification; the express confirmation of pricing freedom; the advertising rules distinguishing general from territory-targeted campaigns; and the enforcement procedure — who assesses breaches, on what evidence, with what escalation. Publishing it to the network is itself protective, because uniformity is provable only against a written standard.

Frequently Asked Questions

Can we require dealers to sell a minimum amount offline?

Requiring a proportion of sales offline was historically treated as restricting online sales; the 2022 rules allow criteria that differ between channels but not measures preventing effective internet use. A hard offline quota remains high-risk; service and presence criteria are the safer route.

Are marketplace bans safe outside luxury goods?

Less safe. Coty’s reasoning is anchored in luxury image within a selective system; national practice has been more restrictive for mass-market goods (see ASICS). Suppliers relying on a marketplace ban should be able to articulate a genuine product-specific justification.

Can we stop dealers bidding on our brand name in search ads?

Restricting a dealer’s use of the brand in online advertising has been condemned as restricting online sales (Guess, ASICS). Reasonable rules about how the brand is presented are different from prohibiting its use to attract customers.

Does Türkiye follow the same online rules?

Broadly, with its own emphasis: the Rekabet Kurulu has acted on platform parity clauses and online restrictions in e-commerce and delivery sectors, and its e-marketplace sector inquiry drives current practice. Verify Turkish positions separately rather than assuming EU alignment.

Last Updated: August 2026 · Reviewed by the Kurums Law editorial team.

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